Mozambique is currently facing a precarious situation following a disputed election, the murder of an opposition party official and lawyer, and clashes between the police and protestors. The opposition Podemos party and its presidential candidate, Venâncio Mondlane, have rejected provisional results that indicated the long-ruling Frelimo party’s victory. Mondlane’s statement about the country being in a “revolutionary” atmosphere has sparked concerns, especially considering Mozambique’s history of civil war.
This election debacle in Mozambique is unfortunately not an isolated incident in Africa. Over the past two decades, there have been more than 410 elections on the continent, with a majority of them being disputed. Losing parties, including government parties at times, have rejected election results, leading to violent protests, crackdowns, and even civil wars in some cases.
One of the most notable examples of election violence in Africa occurred during the 2007-2008 post-election crisis in Kenya, where nearly 1,400 people were killed and 600,000 displaced. Similar situations have unfolded in countries like Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, and Uganda, where election disputes have resulted in widespread unrest and loss of life.
The aftermath of these disputed elections has had a significant economic impact, with the 2007/2008 crisis in Kenya estimated to have cost the economy $3.7 billion due to violence and disruptions. These recurring election crises have eroded trust in democratic processes and highlighted the incompetence and corruption of many elected leaders in Africa.
In light of these challenges, some have proposed alternative political systems, such as Lebanon’s confessional system, where power and state positions are allocated based on religious affiliations. While this system has its own flaws and limitations, it has provided stability in Lebanon, albeit at the cost of reinforcing sectarian divisions.
Another model that some African thinkers are considering is Bosnia and Herzegovina’s tripartite presidency, which represents different ethnic groups and rotates the chairmanship among them. This system has brought stability to Bosnia and Herzegovina, leading to its candidacy status for EU membership.
Regional organizations like the East African Community and SADC could potentially evolve into supranational bodies akin to the EU, overseeing key government functions like defense and finance. By shifting these responsibilities to a higher authority, the political stakes associated with elections could be reduced, potentially mitigating the incentive for violence and power struggles.
In conclusion, Africa faces a crisis of democracy and governance that requires innovative solutions. Whether the continent will embrace new models of governance remains to be seen, but the need for change is evident. The path forward may lie in adapting successful models from other regions and reimagining the role of regional organizations in fostering stability and progress.
